No Return from Democracy: Democracy in the Thought of Gülen and Erdoğan’s Politics

Many countries around the world are facing a crises of democracy. With
authoritarianism on the rise, countries from Asia to Europe to the Americas
are grappling with critical choices about government, minority rights, and
the rule of law.

Foremost among these countries is Turkey. Once a shining example of a
democracy in the Islamic world, recent years have seen Turkey fall further
and further into authoritarianism. As it has happened, many people have
turned to the renowned Muslim cleric Fethullah Gülen for his insights into
his native country. In No Return from Democracy, a recently
published book, Gülen’s thoughts on countless issues – fromIslam and Democracy to Minorities and Their Rights, and Terrorism and Jihad to Dialogue and Coexistence – have
been gathered together in one place. His insightful, urgent analyses
address both global problems and schisms unique to Turkey, such as The Kurdish Question and the Alevi-Sunni Divide.

No Return from Democracy
was first published in its Turkish edition in February 2016. The purpose
was to reflect Fethullah Gülen’s views on diverse topics, including Islam
and democracy, politics, terrorism, jihad, Western civilization, women and
human rights in Islam. What did Gülen say on some of the crucial issues in
his interviews that spanned 25 years? The book was supposed to present a
survey of his thoughts and highlight their importance in relevance to the
time he voiced his ideas.

Five months after the book was published, a coup attempt took place in
Turkey on the night of July 15, 2016. Only three hours later the incident
started, President Erdoğan claimed it was Gülen who was behind the coup.
The following days, Fethullah Gülen had multiple press conferences in
Pennsylvania and wrote op-eds for many newspapers from around the world.
Gülen answered claims about the coup and explained the background to his
dispute with Erdoğan. He asked for an international committee to
investigate who really were behind this coup attempt. He said he would
comply with the decision of such a committee. Gülen said he was always
harmed by all the four military coups in the past, and that he always stood
against such interventions.

In 1994, when Gülen had said that there was no going back from democracy,
politically active radical groups targeted him to the point of
excommunicating him from Islam. In the same period, when Erdoğan was the
mayor of Istanbul, he openly opposed the European Union, and said,
“Democracy is like a streetcar. When we come to our stop, we get off.
Democracy is not a purpose; it is an instrument.”

[1]

In 2017, Erdoğan is accusing Gülen of toppling democracy.

Who is right?

Gülen said, Erdoğan does not believe in democracy, destroyed all democratic
progress of Turkey, and staged this coup to consolidate his oppressive
regime in Turkey. In his interview with Fareed Zakaria, Gülen reminded that
Erdoğan defined the coup attempt as “a gift of God”:

“It looks more like a Hollywood movie than a military coup. It seems
something like a staged scenario. It is understood from what it is seen
that they have prepared the ground to realize what they have already
planned.”

Gülen told Fareed Zakaria his firm stance against military interventions:

“In every coup d’etat, I the poor have been adversely affected. I have
always been against coups, since I have spent my entire life with coups and
pressures. I have the opinion that nothing good will come out of coups.
Coups will divide, separate, disintegrate and make people the enemy of each
other. This animosity will also affect future generations, just like it is
in Turkey now. In this regard, as the common sense requires, I have always
been against coups, and I curse them. I would curse people who resort to
coups against democracy, liberty, republic. This is my general opinion.”

In almost all interviews, Gülen was asked about his past relationship with
Erdoğan:

“Is it true that you and President Erdoğan were once friends and allies? If
so, what caused the tensions between you that have led to this situation
today?” Gülen’s response to this question by Politico, a journal published
in the US, is as follows:

“Many observers called our relationship an alliance but in truth, we were
never very close. I met him two or three times, all before he ran for
elections. When his party ran for elections I was already here (US), so I
could not vote anyway, but Hizmet sympathizers supported his party through
their votes and their voices in the media. The reason for this support is
not complicated. In going into elections in 2002 they [Erdoğan’s Justice
and Development Party] promised moving Turkey forward in its bid for
European Union membership by implementing democratic reforms; enhancing
human rights and freedoms; better integrating Turkey with the world; ending
public corruption, and government’s political profiling of people and their
discriminatory measures. I and my friends supported them for these
promises. Leading into elections in 2011, they promised a democratic
constitution that would be drafted by civilians without fear of military
generals. But after winning that election they began to reverse every
democratic reform they implemented before. The democratic constitution was
first conditioned upon the inclusion of executive presidency and then
completely forgotten.” (September 9, 2016, Politico, Fethullah
Gülen: “I don’t have any regrets”).

In his interview with Politico, Gülen pointed to another major
reason for the dispute he was having with Erdoğan was the execute
presidency system the latter was trying to bring to the country. For Gülen,
this was something like a “sultan regime.”

“In the past, I did support the idea of a presidential system if it is to
be modeled after the U.S. or France or other countries where there are
checks and balances against the president. But Erdoğan’s proposal was akin
to a sultan regime. I could not support such a system with a clear
conscience. Erdoğan put pressure on me and Hizmet sympathizers to publicly
support his idea of a presidential system. He increased the pressure by
supporting government-funded alternatives to Hizmet institutions and then
began threatening to close them down. If we complied with his demand and
became loyalists, we would be enjoying the Turkish government’s favors now.
But we declined and we have been facing their wrath for the last three
years. This might be called the price of independence. It is a heavy price
indeed but I don’t have any regrets and I don’t believe any of my friends
have any regrets. My only sorrow is that the country continues to suffer
because nobody can stand against his uninhibited ambitions.” (September 9,
2016, Politico, Fethullah Gülen: ‘I don’t have any regrets).

Erdoğan’s u-turn from democracy since 2011 was perhaps best illustrated on
the cover of The Economist (June 8, 2013), which was featuring
Erdoğan wearing the robe of a Sultan and the title read: Democrat or
Sultan? Those were the days when a huge protest was underway against
Erdoğan for his plan to build a shopping center on one of the symbolic
parks in the very heart of Istanbul, known as Gezi Park. The brutal police
intervention left behind 6 dead, 10 lost sight, 7,500 wounded. 5 thousand
people were detained.

[2]

It appears that the international community are putting side by side both
Gülen’s and Erdoğan’s track records on democracy. When in 1990s political
radicals considered discussions of democracy forbidden, Gülen argued that
Islam and democracy were compatible, and there was no return from
democracy. Gülen’s consistency in his views over time certainly must have a
positive effect in his record.

Gülen’s views on Islam and democracy are the cornerstone of No Return from Democracy. Other topics discussed portray his
thoughts on modernism, laicism, Western civilization and values, politics,
fundamental human rights and freedoms, Islam and women, dialogue and
coexistence, terrorism and jihad, the Kurdish issue, Alevism and Sunnism,
minorities and their rights.

Gülen’s comments around these topics also shed light on two things: What
kind of a world does Gülen desire? Why does Erdoğan want to annihilate
Gülen and the Hizmet Movement he represents?

For example, in 1997, Gülen expressed his views on religion and politics.
“The politicization of religion is dangerous, but it is much more dangerous
for religion than it is for the regime, as it means sullying the spirit of
religion.”

After the devastating terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, when many
looked to the Islamic world for a voice of peace, Gülen said “A Muslim
cannot be a terrorist and a terrorist cannot be a Muslim. A person cannot
go to heaven by killing a person.”

A required reading for those interested in the plight of modern Turkey or
seeking solutions to the world’s seemingly intractable problems, this book
invites the reader to a journey through the horizons of all that Gülen has
said in relation to these issues for more than two decades. Readers looking
for hope will find solace in Gülen’s faith in democracy, the rule of law,
and universal human rights. Gülen has never stopped believing that the way
forward is not through violence and division, but through love, respect,
and dialogue. If humanity adheres to these timeless values, then there
truly will be No Return from Democracy.

Faruk Mercan is a journalist. He has worked in various media outlets that have recently been seized by Erdogan regime.

This article has first been published in the special issue of the Fountain Magazine © Blue Dome Press